By Song Kyung-jin
Apart from the COVID-19 pandemic, there was another event in 2020 that Korea should not miss taking stock of, registering the results in our collective memory in order to strive for more refined diplomacy. It was Korea's decision to enter into the race for the director-general of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
There are four criteria that provide useful guidelines for this reflection: the regional rotation rule, broadly applied; competition between candidates; internal and external coordination and communication; and strategic objectives.
The tacit rule of regional rotation has been broadly applied to most multilateral institutions, including the WTO. It will likely remain in the future, unless there is a dramatic rupture in the organization itself. Korea's nomination and its seriousness about it rather surprised the global community. It was widely believed to be Africa's turn to assume leadership this time.
A glance at the list of the past heads of most international organizations, including the United Nations, reveals how leadership selection processes in multilateral organizations occur. Two possible exceptions are the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ― two very powerful multilateral institutions that have kept their leadership exclusively in Europe and the United States. This question of regional rotation in itself is a critical issue to be addressed continuously, hopefully by middle powers like Korea as well.
Through his ancient classic, "The Art of War," Sun Tzu taught us to know one's competitor. Contrary to many rumors and reports in the local media, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Nigerian candidate, who assumed the WTO leadership March 1, was known for her brilliant career and leadership. Solid leadership with political clout is required to prompt stakeholders to listen and act on what has been agreed upon, in order to get the multilateral institution to live up to its purpose.
The above two points lead me to my third point: whether or not there was sufficient internal and external coordination and communication within the Korean government in the lead-up to its decision to nominate a candidate, and stay in the race until its candidate was forced out. The most critical question is whether President Moon Jae-in was briefed sufficiently and impartially about the selection process, competitors and Korea's chances of capturing the leadership position.
I still cannot shake off my reasonable suspicion that there must have been a lack of due consultation among the parties concerned. The biggest farce that irritated many internationalists was when the Korean government expressed its firm belief in the Trump administration's support for the Korean candidate ― which amounted to nothing but lip service ― and decided to stay in the race after the absolute majority of the WTO's 164 members voted for the Nigerian candidate on Oct. 27, 2020.
Hence, I believe we need to reflect on a couple of points. First, the best option for the defeated party is usually to accept the results of the race, congratulate the winner, and pledge support for the next leadership, along with WTO reform, where needed. The Korean delegation failed to follow this process in Geneva, where it became the talk of the town. In retrospect, the government's message to the public was often misleading and confusing.
Thus, the big task before us is to rebuild both internal and external coordination and communication with confidence. Second, Trump, with his catchphrase, "America First," was identified with nationalism, protectionism and unilateralism, notions that negate the basic principles of the WTO. After taking office, he quickly got the U.S. out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
He badmouthed the WTO and blocked the appointment of judges to its Appellate Body. Hence, one would be naive not to doubt his intentions and rather, try to rely to his administration for any meaningful support. In order for the Korean government to have trusted that Trump's intentions were real, as was portrayed in media reports, there must have been a serious misreading of the complexities of the relationship between the Trump administration and the global community.
Lastly, Korea should have arrived at a clear objective for pursuing the WTO leadership, after meticulously calculating the gains and losses of doing so when it was seen to be Africa's turn. Cooperation with Africa has become a critical issue on the table, especially in light of the fierce competition among Korea, China and Japan. Japan, the fourth largest donor country in absolute terms, has recently focused on further strengthening its economic and development cooperation with Africa, in line with its "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy connecting Africa and Asia.
China's cooperation with Africa has grown strong over the past two decades, and further with the Belt and Road Initiative, despite hiccups here and there. According to China's State Council Information Office, between 2013 and 2018, 45 percent of China's foreign aid went to Africa. In the case of Korea, the 15th largest donor country in absolute terms, only 18 percent of its foreign aid went to Africa in 2018. Amidst this background, Korea is in the position of having to double down on its cooperation with Africa.
This brief reflection on Korea's handling of the WTO leadership selection process ― from nomination to withdrawal ― points clearly at its amateurishness, in terms of lacking clear objectives, coordination and communication. It also misread the ulterior motives of the Trump administration and did not understand the complexities of the international community. Fortunately, we do not have to remain hostage to these weaknesses. Instead, we would be better off saying goodbye to the old days of naivete and saying hello to news days of finesse.
Dr. Song Kyung-jin (kj_song@hotmail.com) led the Institute for Global Economics (IGE), based in Seoul, and served as special adviser to the chairman of the Presidential Committee for the Seoul G20 Summit in the Office of the President. Now, she chairs the international cooperation committee called the Innovative Economy Forum.
 |
There are four criteria that provide useful guidelines for this reflection: the regional rotation rule, broadly applied; competition between candidates; internal and external coordination and communication; and strategic objectives.
The tacit rule of regional rotation has been broadly applied to most multilateral institutions, including the WTO. It will likely remain in the future, unless there is a dramatic rupture in the organization itself. Korea's nomination and its seriousness about it rather surprised the global community. It was widely believed to be Africa's turn to assume leadership this time.
A glance at the list of the past heads of most international organizations, including the United Nations, reveals how leadership selection processes in multilateral organizations occur. Two possible exceptions are the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ― two very powerful multilateral institutions that have kept their leadership exclusively in Europe and the United States. This question of regional rotation in itself is a critical issue to be addressed continuously, hopefully by middle powers like Korea as well.
Through his ancient classic, "The Art of War," Sun Tzu taught us to know one's competitor. Contrary to many rumors and reports in the local media, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Nigerian candidate, who assumed the WTO leadership March 1, was known for her brilliant career and leadership. Solid leadership with political clout is required to prompt stakeholders to listen and act on what has been agreed upon, in order to get the multilateral institution to live up to its purpose.
The above two points lead me to my third point: whether or not there was sufficient internal and external coordination and communication within the Korean government in the lead-up to its decision to nominate a candidate, and stay in the race until its candidate was forced out. The most critical question is whether President Moon Jae-in was briefed sufficiently and impartially about the selection process, competitors and Korea's chances of capturing the leadership position.
I still cannot shake off my reasonable suspicion that there must have been a lack of due consultation among the parties concerned. The biggest farce that irritated many internationalists was when the Korean government expressed its firm belief in the Trump administration's support for the Korean candidate ― which amounted to nothing but lip service ― and decided to stay in the race after the absolute majority of the WTO's 164 members voted for the Nigerian candidate on Oct. 27, 2020.
Hence, I believe we need to reflect on a couple of points. First, the best option for the defeated party is usually to accept the results of the race, congratulate the winner, and pledge support for the next leadership, along with WTO reform, where needed. The Korean delegation failed to follow this process in Geneva, where it became the talk of the town. In retrospect, the government's message to the public was often misleading and confusing.
Thus, the big task before us is to rebuild both internal and external coordination and communication with confidence. Second, Trump, with his catchphrase, "America First," was identified with nationalism, protectionism and unilateralism, notions that negate the basic principles of the WTO. After taking office, he quickly got the U.S. out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
He badmouthed the WTO and blocked the appointment of judges to its Appellate Body. Hence, one would be naive not to doubt his intentions and rather, try to rely to his administration for any meaningful support. In order for the Korean government to have trusted that Trump's intentions were real, as was portrayed in media reports, there must have been a serious misreading of the complexities of the relationship between the Trump administration and the global community.
Lastly, Korea should have arrived at a clear objective for pursuing the WTO leadership, after meticulously calculating the gains and losses of doing so when it was seen to be Africa's turn. Cooperation with Africa has become a critical issue on the table, especially in light of the fierce competition among Korea, China and Japan. Japan, the fourth largest donor country in absolute terms, has recently focused on further strengthening its economic and development cooperation with Africa, in line with its "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy connecting Africa and Asia.
China's cooperation with Africa has grown strong over the past two decades, and further with the Belt and Road Initiative, despite hiccups here and there. According to China's State Council Information Office, between 2013 and 2018, 45 percent of China's foreign aid went to Africa. In the case of Korea, the 15th largest donor country in absolute terms, only 18 percent of its foreign aid went to Africa in 2018. Amidst this background, Korea is in the position of having to double down on its cooperation with Africa.
This brief reflection on Korea's handling of the WTO leadership selection process ― from nomination to withdrawal ― points clearly at its amateurishness, in terms of lacking clear objectives, coordination and communication. It also misread the ulterior motives of the Trump administration and did not understand the complexities of the international community. Fortunately, we do not have to remain hostage to these weaknesses. Instead, we would be better off saying goodbye to the old days of naivete and saying hello to news days of finesse.
Dr. Song Kyung-jin (kj_song@hotmail.com) led the Institute for Global Economics (IGE), based in Seoul, and served as special adviser to the chairman of the Presidential Committee for the Seoul G20 Summit in the Office of the President. Now, she chairs the international cooperation committee called the Innovative Economy Forum.
![[INTERVIEW] 'Growth slowdown can accelerate depletion of retirement pension fund'](https://img.koreatimes.co.kr/upload/thumbnailV2/1b8c230b7aa14896bf5b639acd01a9ee.jpg/dims/resize/178/optimize)
![[INTERVIEW] Veteran US photographer gives environment 'visual voice' to chronicle climate change](https://img.koreatimes.co.kr/upload/thumbnailV2/9d491d25431d4e9b980fee78427589dc.jpg/dims/resize/178/optimize)
